Nepal’s Gen Z uprising reshaped the country’s politics within days, forcing out a government and installing a 35 year old political newcomer as prime minister. A year later, many of those who bled on the streets say the movement’s promises of justice, medical care and economic support have largely gone unmet, leaving them to question what the historic upheaval actually achieved for people like them.
The protests erupted on September 8, 2025, after the government of then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli imposed a ban on social media. That decision became the immediate spark for demonstrations that were, at their core, driven by anger over entrenched corruption and decades of power sharing among a small circle of ageing politicians. What began as a peaceful gathering escalated sharply when gunfire broke out, and the unrest that followed over the next two days left 76 people dead and 2,638 injured.
The Human Cost Behind Nepal’s Gen Z Uprising
Among those whose lives were upended is Rakesh Mahato, a 25 year old from Sarlahi district who was shot in the abdomen while protesting and has spent the past year in a Kathmandu hospital. The bullet severed nerves below his waist, leaving him unable to walk. He says the government has not investigated who fired the shots that injured and killed protesters, and that no one has faced punishment for the violence.
An official inquiry, led by former chief justice Gauri Bahadur Karki, later found that police used excessive and indiscriminate force during the crackdown, firing continuously for roughly four hours before a curfew was finally imposed. The findings led to the arrest of Oli and his former home minister on charges connected to the deaths, though both were subsequently released after the Supreme Court considered a habeas corpus petition, and police have yet to formally file charges against either man.
From Protest to Political Power
The uprising’s political consequences were swift. Oli resigned within days, and an interim government led by former chief justice Sushila Karki took office. Parliamentary elections held six months later delivered the Rastriya Swatantra Party a near two-thirds majority, and Balendra Shah, a rapper turned structural engineer and former mayor of Kathmandu, became prime minister at just 35 years old, a striking shift for a political system long dominated by older, entrenched figures.
For the injured protesters watching from hospital beds, Shah’s rise initially offered hope. That optimism has since faded for many, who say the change in leadership has not translated into meaningful support for those who paid the highest price during the uprising.
Promises of Compensation Left Unfulfilled
An agreement reached between Gen Z representatives and Karki’s interim government in December committed the state to establishing a permanent anti-corruption body and an emergency task force to address the needs of victims, including compensation, free medical treatment, psychological counselling, education, employment and a permanent memorial. A classification system was later introduced, offering a monthly allowance of 18,000 rupees to the most severely injured, 9,000 rupees to serious cases and 4,000 rupees to those classified as moderately or mildly injured.
In practice, several injured protesters say the classification process was poorly handled and the promised medical coverage incomplete. Kamal Ghimire of Kavre, who was shot in the chest, said he now regrets joining the protests after having to pay much of his own treatment costs. Others treated at private hospitals have been told they must cover their own bills, since officials say public funding is generally reserved for government facilities.
Families of the Dead Still Waiting
The families of those killed describe a similar sense of abandonment. Ambika BK, whose husband Santosh died on the day of the protests, took a low paying contract job at the Nepal Electricity Authority to make ends meet, but says colleagues have questioned whether she earned the position only because of her husband’s death. She said the government that emerged from the movement has largely failed to follow through on assistance for families like hers.
Roshan Gautam, secretary of the Gen Z Martyrs’ Families Welfare Society, said Prime Minister Shah has yet to meet with the families of the dead and injured even once, and that compensation remains a distant prospect for many. Gen Z organiser Sarisma Thapa said core demands, including the creation of a formal Gen Z council to represent victims’ interests, remain unresolved more than a year on.
A Movement Still Seeking Accountability
Law Minister Sobita Gautam has said the government remains in contact with affected families and is working to establish the Gen Z Council as a more structured channel for addressing their concerns, acknowledging that implementation has taken longer than expected. For protesters like Prakash Bohora, who became a symbol of the uprising after images of his injuries circulated widely but failed to win elected office, the absence of victims within government and parliament has made it easier for their grievances to be overlooked.
As Nepal’s Gen Z uprising approaches its first anniversary, those who survived it say they will continue pressing the government to honour commitments made in the immediate aftermath of the violence, insisting that accountability for what happened on the streets a year ago remains far from complete.
Published in SouthAsianDesk, September 9th, 2026
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